Russian economic machine running out of steam
The Russian economy is entering 2026 in a persistently weak state that is even significantly worse than was the case in 2025. Growth will continue to be hampered by the ongoing erosion of oil revenues which fell by 24% over the whole of 2025 due to tougher international sanctions (636 mainly commercial and financial sanctions since the start of the conflict) and Ukrainian strikes that have reduced refining and port loading capacity. The inclusion of Rosneft and Lukoil – the country's two main oil producers – on the list of entities sanctioned by the US in October 2025 has also increased logistics costs by restricting access to maritime services and increasing the use of the shadow fleet, a growing proportion of which operates under flags of convenience or unknown flags. The strategy allows flows to be maintained, but at the cost of higher operational risks and tighter margins. Exports will therefore remain on a downward trend despite the continued massive shift towards Asia (and mainly China), which is expected to remain the main outlet for Russian crude in 2026.
Since 2022, the economy has been operating in war mode, with arms production taking precedence over other sectors, particularly the extractive sector, which has been penalised by the lack of Western technology. While this effort will continue to support industrial activity, particularly heavy industry, it remains insufficient to offset the weakening of the rest of the productive fabric. Construction, which had already been slowing down in 2025, will suffer further from the removal of mortgage subsidies in 2024. Agriculture (10% of export earnings in 2025) will continue to make a significant contribution to the economy, but its potential remains limited by dependence on weather conditions and the decline in labour from Central Asia.
Private consumption will continue to be one of the weak links in economic activity, hampered by stubbornly high inflation (5.6% in December 2025), despite a decline, and by key interest rates locked in at a very restrictive level (16% at the time of writing). Public investment will remain focused on military priorities and the reconstruction of strategic infrastructure, with limited impact on civilian sectors. On the private side, companies will continue to reduce or postpone their expansion plans due to more difficult access to imported equipment, supply delays and an unstable regulatory environment. These limitations will be exacerbated by the persistently tight labour market. The reduction in the available workforce due to military recruitment, declining immigration and demographic ageing is creating persistent shortages that are driving up labour costs and weighing on productivity. Last, despite the ruble's sizeable appreciation in 2025 (from 115 to 91 RUB/EUR between January and December), currency volatility will remain high and will be fuelled by declining foreign exchange inflows and the growing use of alternative payment systems for exports.
Public finances will continue to deteriorate
The budget will stay in deficit in 2026 in a context where military and security priorities are absorbing an increased share of spending (40% in 2025) and hindering any possibility of adjustment. Despite the fiscal tightening that has been under way since 2025—an increase in VAT from 20% to 22% (except for essential goods), an increase in corporate tax to 25% and the introduction of a more progressive income tax—revenue will grow slowly and will not offset the increase in spending, which is being penalised by growing discounts on hydrocarbons and an economy close to stagnation. Financing will continue to be almost exclusively domestic, with access to international markets closed, increased dependence on local banks and higher public debt servicing costs. Public debt remains relatively low, but its profile is becoming riskier due to shorter maturities and a persistently high interest-rate environment. The National Wealth Fund (NWF), which is regularly called upon to absorb deficits, will retain its stabilising role, but its liquid component, which has fallen to around 4.1 trillion rubles, has been cut by more than half since 2022. Foreign exchange reserves are officially high, covering approximately 14 to 15 months of imports, but a significant portion (nearly half) mainly involving assets invested in the European Union, the US and the UK remains frozen, which severely limits their operational use. The situation is continuing to crimp the government’s the National Bank of Russia’s headroom and is making the budget increasingly sensitive to any additional external shocks.
Externally, Russia will maintain its trade surplus in 2026 (around 4% of GDP), but in a less favorable environment. Exports will continue to be dominated by hydrocarbons, metallurgical products, fertilisers, cereals, and certain semi-processed goods, while imports will remain concentrated on machinery, industrial equipment, electronic products, pharmaceuticals, and intermediate consumer goods. The shift towards non-Western markets, particularly India, China, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, is helping to maintain volumes, but logistical challenges remain, particularly in gas, where the lack of infrastructure geared towards Asia limits adjustment capacity. The current account will remain positive, supported by moderate imports rather than strong export momentum, while external revenues will continue to be disrupted by international financial restrictions. Tensions will increase with the rise of secondary sanctions targeting buyers of Russian hydrocarbons, led in particular by the US, and the continued financial decoupling from the West. While the external position remains robust in the short term thanks to low external debt, the simultaneous erosion of buffers—mobilisable sovereign wealth funds, effectively accessible reserves, declining current account surplus—increases its vulnerability to any additional shock, whether it be tighter sanctions, a prolonged decline in energy prices, or a prolongation of the war.
Power still locked away in a war that dictates everything
The political landscape will remain dominated by Vladimir Putin, whose hold on power until 2030 seems assured given the absence of any organised competition and the complete lockdown of the political system. The regime will continue to rely on a small core of loyalists from the security structures, consolidating a model of governance based on extreme centralisation and the weakening of institutional countervailing powers. The civic space remains strictly controlled: the media is aligned, dissent is criminalised, digital surveillance is reinforced and tighter restrictions are in place on the use of social media. This systemic pressure neutralises any possibility of an organised opposition, but does not rule out widespread discontent in the medium term if economic stagnation sets in.
The war in Ukraine will continue to shape political decisions. Russian forces are maintaining their positions along the front line, and recent gains in certain areas of Donbass (between Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka) have reduced the risk of open fractures within the military apparatus. However, the human and material losses are considerable, and a localised reversal could undermine the internal balance between the various branches of the security forces. In this context, Moscow will maintain an inflexible diplomatic line: no openness to Western security guarantees for Ukraine, refusal of a NATO troop presence on its territory and a willingness to negotiate only on the basis of territorial gains already acquired.

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